司机在帮忙卸货过程中受伤该怎么办?

作者:潘笑鹰律师

司机在帮忙卸货过程中受伤该怎么办?

货车司机在帮忙卸货中意外受伤,发生这种情况时,货车司机应当找谁索赔?下面笔者将为您详细介绍。

芝某自行购买了一台重型半挂牵引车,后将其挂靠至有资质的公司并缴纳管理费,以此从事个体运输业务。

2020年7月23日,芝某通过某网络平台接单,订单要求其将一批货物从奉贤区运至浦东新区的某仓库,运费为1200元人民币。当天上午9时,芝某将货物装车后出发。11时30分,芝某驾车抵达目的地,其下车打开箱门,而后由该仓库员工夏某驾驶叉车安排卸货。

卸货过程中,在车内仅剩一件木箱及配电柜时,夏某要求芝某配合其卸货,并声称如不配合,则其将拒不卸货。芝某无奈爬至货车车厢内予以协助。夏某将叉车停在货车旁,将木箱叉下后,调整叉车臂使木箱顶部高度与货车车厢底板齐平,再要求芝某将配电柜直接放倒在木箱上。芝某依言站立在木箱上,后在放倒配电柜时不慎坠落,造成左肩受伤,经鉴定,构成十级伤残。

芝某遂向人民法院起诉要求仓库进行赔偿,赔偿内容包括医药费、误工费、营养费、护理费、伤残赔偿金、精神损害赔偿金等项目。

本案法律关系较为特殊,通常司机在卸货时受伤,首先考虑是否构成工伤,而芝某作为独立的运输个体,并未与任何主体之间形成劳动关系或者雇佣关系,由此可见,芝某行使请求权的基础为侵权责任请求权(健康权、身体权受到侵害)。对于此类案件,需要考虑的主要为以下两点:

一、关于司机芝某是否负有卸货义务。

厘清卸货义务在于何方,首先需要考虑运输合同中是否对此有明确约定。

本案中,芝某在某网络平台接单后,根据订单内容,未约定芝某负有卸货义务;其次,根据现场监控显示,系由仓库安排工作人员驾驶专业叉车进行卸货;最后根据行业惯例,司机也没有卸货的义务。由此可见,本案中司机芝某不负有卸货义务,卸货义务在于仓库。

通过以上分析可知,芝某与仓库之间形成帮工关系。根据《最高人民法院关于审理人身损害赔偿案件适用法律若干问题的解释》第五条之规定:“无偿提供劳务的帮工人因帮工活动遭受人身损害的,根据帮工人和被帮工人各自的过错承担相应的责任;被帮工人明确拒绝帮工的,被帮工人不承担赔偿责任,但可以在受益范围内予以适当补偿。”本案中仓库即为被帮工人,理应承担相应的赔偿责任。

二、关于过错责任的分配。

芝某作为一名完全民事行为能力人,在协助卸货时应当对自身的安全尽到必要的注意义务,理应知道站立在木箱上存在较大危险,然芝某安全意识淡薄,仍实施该行为,且未注意观察货物情况及周边环境,最终导致不慎坠落受伤,其自身对损害结果的发生也存在一定的过错。

综上,货车司机有权向仓库进行索赔,可根据其与仓库各自的过错比例要求仓库承担相应的赔偿责任。

附件:2021年人身损害赔偿标准及计算方法

浅评“网民侮辱袁隆平吴孟超被刑拘事件”

作者:彭雄辉律师 方雯律师助理

2021年5月22日,“杂交水稻之父”、 “共和国勋章”获得者袁隆平先生及“中国肝胆外科之父”、“国家最高科学技术奖”获得者吴孟超同志相继辞世,这两位伟大科学家的突然离世,举国哀悼。但是网络上也出现了一些不和谐的声音,一些网友通过微博、微信朋友圈等平台发布侮辱性言论,目前已经被警方采取了刑事强制措施。本文试从法律角度,解析发布侮辱言论者可能承担的法律责任和社会影响。

一、事件概况

5月22日,中华人民共和国杂交水稻之父、“共和国勋章”获得者、中国工程院院士、国家杂交水稻工程技术研究中心主任、湖南省政协原副主席袁隆平,因多器官功能衰竭,于2021年5月22日13时07分在长沙逝世,享年91岁。

5月22日,中国科学院院士,国家最高科学技术奖获得者,原第二军医大学副校长吴孟超同志,因病在上海逝世,享年99岁。

5月22-25日,网友举报有人在微博上借机侮辱攻击两位院士,造成了恶劣的社会影响。目前,公安机关已对涉案人员采取刑事强制措施,相关调查工作正在进行中。

新浪微博对以上用户及其他共计64个对袁隆平院士进行侮辱诽谤攻击的账号都进行永久封闭,站方表示还将继续深入清查,对相关有害内容及账号予以严肃处置并公示,同时也呼吁广大网友在发现此类信息时积极投诉。

二、承担责任

(一)侮辱者应当承担的民事责任

1、《民法典》的相关规定

第185条 侵害英雄烈士等的姓名、肖像、名誉、荣誉,损害社会公共利益的,应当承担民事责任。

发表侮辱性言论,诋毁英雄、烈士名誉,伤害英雄、烈士亲属及社会公众情感的行为构成名誉侵权,应承担停止侵害、恢复名誉、赔礼道歉、赔偿损失等民事责任。

2、《英雄烈士保护法》的具体规定

第22条  禁止歪曲、丑化、亵渎、否定英雄烈士事迹和精神。英雄烈士的姓名、肖像、名誉、荣誉受法律保护。任何组织和个人不得在公共场所、互联网或者利用广播电视、电影、出版物等,以侮辱、诽谤或者其他方式侵害英雄烈士的姓名、肖像、名誉、荣誉。任何组织和个人不得将英雄烈士的姓名、肖像用于或者变相用于商标、商业广告,损害英雄烈士的名誉、荣誉。

第26条  以侮辱、诽谤或者其他方式侵害英雄烈士的姓名、肖像、名誉、荣誉,损害社会公共利益的,依法承担民事责任;构成违反治安管理行为的,由公安机关依法给予治安管理处罚;构成犯罪的,依法追究刑事责任。

(二)侮辱者应当承担的刑事责任

1、《中华人民共和国刑法》相关规定

第246条 以暴力或者其他方法公然侮辱他人或者捏造事实诽谤他人,情节严重的,处三年以下有期徒刑、拘役、管制或者剥夺政治权利。

通过信息网络实施第一款规定的行为,被害人向人民法院告诉,但提供证据确有困难的,人民法院可以要求公安机关提供协助。

第299条之一 侮辱、诽谤或者以其他方式侵害英雄烈士的名誉、荣誉,损害社会公共利益,情节严重的,处三年以下有期徒刑、拘役、管制或者剥夺政治权利。

2、利用信息网络诽谤他人,达到上述“情节严重”的情况有以下几种:

(1) 同一诽谤信息实际被点击、浏览次数达到五千次以上,或者被转发次数达到五百次以上的;

(2) 造成被害人或者其近亲属精神失常、自残、自杀等严重后果的;

(3) 二年内曾因诽谤受过行政处罚,又诽谤他人的;

(4) 其他情节严重的情形。

三、总结

于国于民,袁隆平和吴孟超二位院士均做出了不可磨灭的贡献。以袁隆平为首的研究团队,解决了几代中国人的吃饭问题,进而也对推动数亿中国人“脱贫”,促进中国经济转向工业化现代化发挥了巨大作用。吴孟超院士创新地提出肝癌“二期手术”概念,攻克原发性巨块型肝癌治疗等世界级医学难题,牵头建起国家肝癌中心和肝胆医院安亭新院,推动我国肝胆外科事业不断向前发展。

从法律角度来看,侮辱、诽谤英雄烈士毋庸置疑是违法行为。在本次事件中,无论侮辱者是出于无知还是为了博取眼球,这种公然侮辱对我国粮食安全事业和医疗事业做出巨大贡献的两位院士的行为,已经引起了公愤,且由于行为过于恶劣,等待他们的不仅是民事责任,更有刑事制裁。英雄和革命烈士不容亵渎,网络空间不是法外之地,对于公然侮辱英雄烈士事迹和精神的行为,必将依法受到严惩。

从道德角度来看,这种侮辱诽谤行为是不知感恩,缺乏道德底线的表现。享受着新时代的幸福生活,我们理应知感恩、懂回报。而偏偏有个别人,一面自私享受着英雄前辈们的胜利果实,一面放纵而轻佻地侮辱和戏谑英雄,这种恶劣行径为世人所不耻、为国家所不容。

在建党百年之际,我们应牢记习近平总书记强调的“必须坚持依法治国和以德治国相结合,使法治和德治在国家治理中相互补充、相互促进、相得益彰,推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化。” 这既是对历史经验的总结,也是对治国理政规律的深刻把握。如今,网络的发展速度超乎我们的想象,相关领域的法律法规尚不成熟,有待完善、健全,很多人抱有侥幸心理钻法律的空子,但是终究逃不过法律的制裁和纪律的严惩。我们应重视发挥道德的教化作用,一个有希望的民族不能没有英雄,一个有前途的国家不能没有先锋。当然,培养一颗有德之心非一朝一夕所能完成,需要持之以恒、久久为功,从小抓起、从细节抓起。在全社会营造纪念、缅怀、学习英雄烈士浩然正气的浓厚氛围,激扬英雄精神、砥砺家国情怀,不仅需要法律的力量,而且是关乎社会治理的重大课题。

5月26日虹口区司法局检查恒洋所专项治理工作

   2021年5月26日,为进一步做好虹口区律师行业突出问题专项治理工作,虹口区司法局公律科王心瑶、虹口区律师工作委员会副主任张晔、上海勤周律师事务所主任杜剑峰一行莅临上海恒洋律师事务所,就律师行业突出问题专项治理展开抽查工作。上海恒洋律师事务所合伙人黄承浩、龚坚、李彬汇报工作并听取工作建议。

   自开展“律师行业突出问题专项治理”动员部署会以来,区司法局积极重视律师行业突出问题专项治理工作。本次工作以专项治理和年检考核为契机,以听取汇报、查阅卷宗等方式,深入开展核查阶段的各项工作。上海恒洋律师事务所积极配合工作,认真学习文件,严格自查自纠,实现律所管理标准化、规范化,对专项治理和年检考核过程中发现的问题立行立改,不留死角。

   自十八大以来,在司法局和律师行业党委的关心和指导下,恒洋所将坚持党的领导写入律所章程, 作为第三联合支部的律所,积极配合律师行业党建工作,吸收党员为合伙人,参与律所管理决策,近年已独立开发完善的电子律所管理系统,并逐步发展成为专注于民商事业务、刑事业务的综合性律师事务所,为客户提供全方位的法律服务。

   恒洋所将持续秉持匠人精神,成就专业品质,作为虹口律师、上海律师,不断地推进依法治国各项工作,为中国特色社会主义法治事业奉献自己的一份力量,向精耕细作方向迈进,在法治道路上逐梦前行。

Policy space

作者:黄心谷 律师助理

Introduction

After the hype of win-win due to globalization, there have been increasing concerns in the developing countries in terms of their abilities to control their social and economic development, which is being circumscribed by economic integration at a global level (Faundez & Tan, 2010). This is because many of the policy instruments which were used by mature industrialised countries for reaching their current development level are not available anymore due to the international obligations and rules. In addition to this, the increasing reliance on global markets has not been able to generate improvements in living conditions. Hence, policy space has been the most interesting topic for me in terms of international trade policy as it has strongly affected countries like China and India in different aspects in terms of adopting international policies. Therefore, I will provide an overview of policy space followed by the theoretical underpinnings of this topic, along with the reasons due to which it is an important topic in the economic relations at a global level. Based on this analysis, I will highlight the way members of WTO can address this issue.

Understanding Policy Space

Policy space as a term appeared in the documents of UNCTAD, which attained its official status in 2004 in the Consensus of Sao Paulo. It is defined as the scope of policies at the domestic level in terms of industrial, investment, and trade development, which can be framed by international commitments, disciplines, and market considerations at a global level (ODI, 2007). Therefore, it is essential to determine the impact that policy space has on the national policies as well as the freedom of developing countries.

Theory of Economic Policy

The theory of economic policy is considered to serve as an important basis to address the policies’ effectiveness in terms of the evolution of the national economy. Both economists, as well as policymakers who offer policy advice, tend to generally adopt implicitly or explicitly the main elements of this theory. These main elements are the set of instruments which can be controlled directly by the policymakers, the targets which tend to describe the national economy evolution and a model that tends to describe the economic relationship present between targets and instrument (Mayer, 2009). Moreover, this theory also focuses on the choices available for the policymakers for attaining the values which are desired through the application of different instruments. In addition to this, there are two main rules related to the economic policy in which the first is that the policy instruments need to be as many as the targets if the focus is on attaining all the targets.

In the closed economies, policymakers tend to have full command over the different policy instruments, but they might not be able to have complete control over the specific policy targets. In addition to this, the relationship present between the policy instruments and their targets can be unstable while the information and knowledge related to these types of relationships can be incomplete (Mayer, 2009).

Furthermore, to study the relationship between target and instrument in an economy that is internationally integrated, it is important to understand and differentiate between de jure sovereignty and de facto control. The former focuses on the formal authority that national policymakers have over the policy instruments. Hence, it can be stated that policy space refers to the combination of de facto national policy and the de jure policy sovereignty.

This shows that international economic integration tends to affect the policy space due to different forces in opposite directions. The integration process in the global economy tends to restrict the policy space due to the reduction in the number of instruments available due to the legal commitments to the international practices and rules, which shows that it places a constraint on the de jure. In addition to this, it results in a reduction in the effectiveness related to macroeconomic instruments, which is a constraint to the de facto autonomy (Mayer, 2009).

Asymmetry in Following Rules and Policy Spaces

Studies have revealed the way there is an asymmetry in the enforcement of rules between different countries based on resources and economic power (Lee et al., 2013). Moreover, when policies tend to be challenged by WTO members and are not consistent with the rules of WTO, the policies need to be adjusted or abandoned. However, when the defeated nations decline the rulings, retaliation is allowed, but it needs to be done by the interest countries in an individual manner (Lee et al., 2013).

However, there is a case of the US that has been actively using the legal system of WTO in both offensives as well as defensive way. This leads to a continuous problem of noncompliance. Due to this zeroing practice of US, there are many developing countries that have been affected. The main issue behind this US zeroing practice was that the developing countries were forced to bring their cases to WTO for settlement in which US continued to reject the application of WTO ruling.

The scholars can be divided into pragmatic and structural views based on their perception of the possibilities to implement development policies that are effective. On the other hand, pragmatists tend to argue that there is room for manoeuvring the policies of development in the trading system.  

Addressing the Issue

Based on these arguments, I, however, think that there is a limited room in WTO for developing countries for promoting industrial policy. Moreover, both developed as well as developing countries tend to have the same use of policy space (Bora et al., 2000). However, the developing countries are not able to attain a comparative advantage over the developed nations. This is because the different countries tend to have different objectives due to which they require different policy tools for developing their economy. Hence, I believe that level of flexibility should be increased for the developing countries in the WTO to ensure that it accounts for the diversity in the objectives and types of countries. All of these considerations need to be highlighted as the issue can be resolved through some changes in the multilateral agreements.

Conclusion

The most interesting one for me was the concept of policy space, which I considered to be an important element to differentiate between the developed and developing nations. In this regard, the analysis has revealed the way policy space leads to a reduction in the autonomy and control of the policymakers. In addition to this, the analysis revealed that it is a major issue in the present times in which there are large numbers of multilateral agreements that are being used by WTO. It is, however, important to highlight that the policy space available for developed and developing countries need to be different. This will help thee developing countries to achieve autonomy as well as the right to determine which WTO policies they want to implement based on their own specific goals and objectives.

References

Cooper, R. N. (1968), The Economics of Interdependence: Economic Policy in the Atlantic Community. New York: McGraw Hill for the Council on Foreign Relations.

Faundez, J. & Tan, C. (2010). International economic law, globalization and developing countries, Edward Elgar Publishing.

Lee, K.; Shin, W. & Shin, H. (2013). How large is the policy space? WTO regime and industrial policy. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/policy/cdp/cdp_news_archive/policy_space_klee.pdf.

Mayer, J. (2009). Policy space: what, for what, and where? Development Policy Review, 27(4), pp. 373-385.

ODI (2007). Policy space:  Are WTO rules preventing development? Retrieved from www.odi.org.uk.

Siqueira, PBA & Martins, C.J. (2015). Policy space and policy autonomy under the WTO: A comparison of post-crisis industrial policies in Brazil and the US, Law and Development Review, 8(2), pp. 389-432.

 译文:

介绍

在全球化带来的双赢炒作之后,发展中国家控制其社会和经济发展的能力受到了全球层面经济一体化的限制(Faundez & Tan, 2010)。这是因为成熟工业化国家为达到其目前的发展水平而使用的许多政策工具由于国际义务和规则而不再可用。此外,对全球市场的日益依赖也未能改善生活条件。因此,就国际贸易政策而言,政策空间一直是我最感兴趣的话题,因为它在不同方面对中国和印度等国家采取国际政策产生了强烈影响。因此,我将概述政策空间,然后是本课题的理论基础,以及它成为全球经济关系中重要课题的原因。基于这一分析,我将强调世贸组织成员解决这一问题的方式。

理解政策空间

政策空间一词出现于贸发会议的文件中,该文件于2004年在《圣保罗共识》中获得正式地位。它被定义为国内在产业、投资和贸易发展方面的政策范围,可以由国际承诺、纪律和全球层面的市场考虑来确定(ODI, 2007)。因此,确定政策空间对国家政策和发展中国家自由的影响至关重要。

经济政策理论

经济政策理论被认为是研究国民经济发展过程中政策有效性的重要依据。无论是经济学家,还是提供政策建议的决策者,通常都倾向于含蓄或明确地采纳这一理论的主要要素。这些主要要素是一组可以由决策者直接控制的工具,倾向于描述国民经济演变的目标和一个倾向于描述目标和工具之间的经济关系的模型(Mayer, 2009)。此外,该理论还侧重于决策者可选择的方法,以通过应用不同的工具获得所需的价值。除此之外,与经济政策有关的两条主要规则是,如果重点是实现所有目标,那么政策工具的数量必须与目标的数量相同。

在封闭经济体中,政策制定者往往对不同的政策工具有完全的控制权,但他们可能无法对具体的政策目标有完全的控制权。此外,政策工具与其目标之间的关系可能不稳定,而与这些关系类型相关的信息和知识可能不完整(Mayer, 2009)。

  此外,要研究国际一体化经济中目标和工具之间的关系,了解和区分法定主权和实际控制是很重要的。前者关注的是国家决策者对政策工具拥有的正式权力。因此,政策空间是指事实上的国家政策与法律上的政策主权的结合。

这说明,国际经济一体化由于不同力量的作用,往往会对政策空间产生相反的影响。全球经济的一体化进程往往限制政策空间,因为由于对国际惯例和规则的法律承诺,可用的文书数量减少,这表明它对法律上的限制。除此之外,它还导致了与宏观经济工具相关的有效性的降低,这是对事实上的自治的限制(Mayer, 2009)。

遵循规则和政策空间中的不对称性

研究表明,基于资源和经济实力的不同国家之间的规则执行存在不对称(Lee et al., 2013)。此外,当政策容易受到WTO成员的挑战,不符合WTO规则时,政策需要调整或放弃。然而,当战败国拒绝裁决时,可以进行报复,但需要利益国以个人的方式进行报复(Lee etal ., 2013)。

然而,有一个例子,美国一直在积极利用WTO的法律体系,无论是在进攻方面还是在防御方面。这将导致持续的不遵从性问题。由于美国的这种归零做法,很多发展中国家都受到了影响。美国这种归零做法背后的主要问题是,发展中国家被迫向世贸组织申诉,而美国继续拒绝世贸组织裁决的适用。

根据他们对实施有效发展政策的可能性的认识,学者们可以分为实用主义和结构性观点。另一方面,实用主义者倾向于主张,在贸易体系中存在着操纵发展政策的空间。

解决这一问题

然而,基于这些论点,我认为,在世贸组织中,发展中国家促进产业政策的空间有限。此外,发达国家和发展中国家倾向于使用相同的政策空间(Bora et al., 2000)。然而,发展中国家无法获得相对于发达国家的比较优势。这是因为不同的国家有不同的目标,因此他们需要不同的政策工具来发展他们的经济。因此,我认为,应该提高世贸组织中发展中国家的灵活性,以确保它考虑到各国目标和类型的多样性。所有这些考虑都需要强调,因为这个问题可以通过对多边协定作一些修改来解决。

结论

对我来说,最有趣的是政策空间的概念,我认为这是区分发达国家和发展中国家的一个重要因素。在这方面,分析揭示了政策空间导致决策者自主权和控制力减少的方式。此外,分析显示,这是目前的一个主要问题,因为有大量的多边协议正在被世贸组织使用。然而,重要的是要强调发达国家和发展中国家可用的政策空间必须有所不同。这将帮助发展中国家实现自主,并有权根据自己的具体目标和目标来决定要实施哪些WTO政策。